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Why are Women still a Minority in Positions of Leadership and Power?

Gender equality in Australian workplaces is an important issue facing young women approaching the job market, so why isn’t it being addressed in the 2013 Federal Election?



Gender inequality in Australian workplaces, such as the imbalance between men and women in leadership roles, continues to contribute to outdated stereotypes of the role of women at home, work and in society.

Research has suggested having women in positions of leadership and power encourages other women to strive for similar opportunities. Some industries, such as building and construction, emergency response, armed forces and farming are considered “male-dominated” and women are underrepresented. The Commonwealth Office for Women has funded campaigns to help identity mechanisms for improving women’s representation in such industries.

Gender equality in Australian workplaces is an important issue facing young women approaching the job market, so why isn’t it being addressed in the 2013 Federal Election?

Typical gender squabbles playing out in suburban lounge rooms are also taking place inside Parliament House. The issues in the 2013 federal election of gender equality and the economy, environment and general political squabbles, have overshadowed the way Australia elected their first female Prime Minister, In the race for leadership in the 2013, the focus on ‘Tony Abbott’s problem with women’ has the power to overshadow matters of policy and principle. Similar to the 2010 federal election, attempts are being made to present Abbott in a misogynistic light.

Perhaps, rather than creating false truths, the focus should be on policy and procedure, the foundations Australian politics claim to be based on.

In a speech in 2010 at the National Press Club in Canberra, titled ‘Australia’s New Political Landscape’, Julia Gillard discusses the historical change in the Australian political landscape. Gillard argues the Labor government she leads has ‘introduced public election funding; women’s suffrage or giving young Australians the right to vote from the age of 18.’ The Gillard government announced that they were aiming to have a redistribution of gender in leadership positions. A goal was set for 40%  male, 40% female and 20% unallocated positions in the workplace, to be achieved by 2015.

In 2012, women made up 24.7% of the elected position in the House of Representatives and 38.2% in the Senate. Women accounted for over half of all academic staff in Australia, with 42% being senior lecturing staff and 27% being heads of units (positions higher then senior lecturers). Many believe gender bias is clouding the current election campaign and Gillard is seen as a feminist activist.

Where is the gender equality in the Australian parliament?

I believe that gender equality will allow for the appropriate individual to be elected based on their skills and experience, not purely on gender. There are a higher number of men in the workplace than women, is this being taken into account? Approximately 53% of women and 68% of men are employed, of women with children under the age of 15 approximately 57% are employed. Although in Australia many people are hired based on gender not their experience or merit.

Would a more welcoming environment cause more women to set their sights on jobs of power and leadership?

The current gender bias in society is that women are employed in roles where their productivity cannot be maximized. According to the report “Women’s employment in the context of the economic downturn,” conducted by The Australian Human Rights Commission in April 2009 research suggests that if the number of women in leadership positions increased the Australian economic activities could be improved by 20%. Although women are free to join many industries figures in the below table show startling results of the comparison between different industries and genders.

Composition of employment by industry, gender and full-time/ part-time employment status, November 2008

Industry (ANZSIC 1993)Male
Full-time %
Part-time %
Full-time %
Part-time %
Total employees
Agriculture forestry and fishing61.
Electricity gas and water supply74.72.918.24.3108.1
Wholesale trade62.15.421.710.7442.8
Retail trade32.714.519.932.91,544.9
Accommodation, cafes and restaurants26.616.223.633.7512.2
Transport and storage64.99.417.28.5530.4
Communication services60.
Finance and insurance43.74.039.712.7380.1
Property and business services46.96.827.818.51,295.6
Government administration and defence42.
Health and community services16.84.841.137.31,134.2
Cultural and recreational services39.114.618.328.0288.5
Personal and other services42.27.628.821.5413.5
All industries46.88.024.920.310,717.5

(Source: ABS 2009a, 6105.0)

The highest difference in gender distribution amongst different industries can be seen in Mining with 82.1% being fulltime males versus 15.0% being fulltime females, Construction with 80.7% being fulltime males versus 5.7% being fulltime females and Electricity gas and water supply with 74.7% being fulltime males versus 18.2% being fulltime females.

There is no shortage of high-ranking women in Australian leadership. Between Prime Minister Julia Gillard, Governor-General Quentin-Bryce and Queen Elizabeth II, Australia is a country led by women.

However, there still remains a gender pay gap, and rather than campaigning that Abbott is a “woman hater”, Gillard should address real issues facing young women today.

According to statistics released in August 2012, by the Workplace Gender Equality Agency there has been no “increase in female board representation over eight years from 2002 to 2010, with the percentage of female directors consistently hovering around 8.5%”. In the business sector within the Australian workforce the Australian Capital Territory, Victoria and New South Wales have the highest proportion of female directors. Victoria has 15.3% of female directors compared to New South Wales which has 14.8% of female directors. Although the 16.7% figure in the ACT, the highest of any state or territory, is based on a small sample. There are only six directorships in the ACT and only one is held by a female.” (2012 Australian Census of Women in Leadership)

A report released by the AMP and the National Centre for Social and Economic Modeling in 2009 discovered that Australian men with a bachelor’s degree or higher and who have children can expect earnings of approximately $3.3 million in their lifetime, nearly double what women in the same category earn over their lifetime with closer to $1.8 million.

With more than a million-dollar difference, there is more than a million-dollar penalty for being a woman in Australian society’s today.


Divided We Fail: How Individualism is Holding the U.S. Back

The bootstrap mentality is about as American as apple pie. But it’s destroying our already frayed social net and education system. Can we resist our individualistic roots to mobilize and enact progressive policies?



To understand the swampy depths of American individualism is also to acknowledge that we have a serious inability to comprehend looming disaster. In fact, we’re uniquely terrible at it. 

Loosely defined, American individualism is the idea that prosperity and growth is overwhelmingly the result of an individual’s hard work, cleverness, grit, and all that. (It’s both hilarious and fitting that one of our most reviled and economically disastrous presidents, Herbert Hoover, was the main architect behind the notion of American individualism.) 

On one hand, this belief in individualism seems empowering. It tells us we are the captains of our own ships. It tells us we don’t have to be defined by our childhood traumas or underfunded school systems. It tells us that through scrappiness and ingenuity and discipline, we can rise above our circumstances and succeed, no matter what. 

The inverse, of course, is that our failures are also ours alone to bear—with little regard for the systems and circumstances that cause some people to spend lifetimes catching up to where others were simply born. 

American individualism explains so much of what we get wrong as a country, even in 2019. We downplay the systemic racism and violence of our police force through tunnel vision that tells us there are only a “few bad apples” rather than a flawed, oppressive police state. We’re unable to treat things like healthcare or housing as basic human rights, positing instead that those without access to food or shelter probably just haven’t “earned” it. And higher education—often treated as the great equalizer by meritocrats—is so expensive, it’s crippling our economy as a whole. Yet too many students are blaming themselves, and too many people are blaming students.

One is the Lousiest Number

These days, it’s hard to pick what to worry about more in the U.S. The list of societal threats certainly is long—climate change, the impending retirement crisis, the ongoing student debt crisis. These problems have been worsening for decades, and they’re all the result of failures at a systematic level. 

The climate crisis was ramped up by decades of poorly regulated industries that pumped carbon emissions into the atmosphere. The retirement crisis that will likely come full force when Generation X starts leaving the workforce was set into motion by a shrinking pension system and the increasingly uncertain future of Social Security. And higher education became outrageously expensive over years of unchecked soaring tuition and fee increases.

But not everyone recognizes these mass-scale problems for what they are. Instead, too many people are blaming individual choices for giant societal failures. And these arguments are distracting us from collective solutions. Realistically, no one should be arguing that student loan forgiveness is a “half-baked” idea steeped in self-interest. Or that climate change can be reasonably combatted through laudable (yet mostly insignificant) individual actions like going vegetarian.

The numbers prove just how puny our individual actions really are against these larger-than-us problems. For example, even the most generous, self-massaged estimates put a single company like ExxonMobil’s annual carbon emissions in the range of well over 100 million CO2 equivalent metric tons. The average American, through even the most radical lifestyle changes and discipline, would likely only lower their annual emissions from about 20 metric tons to 8 metric tons. It would take millions and millions of people selling their cars and going vegan to equate to just one ExxonMobil. (Spoiler alert: There are way too many companies just like it.) 

As Aaron Huertas of the Union of Concerned Scientists eloquently states: “We can’t ignore individual choice and responsibility; at the same time, we also have to recognize that our individual choices are constrained by corporate practices and government laws and regulations.”

A Way Out and Up

All is not lost, though. There is hope.

While the 2020 presidential pool for the Democrats may be a bit flooded, the makeup of the pool has revealed a trend: the ideas of sweeping economic relief and safety net programs are becoming more mainstream. If the Democratic party can just avoid spending its time strategizing against democratic socialism, we could enact policies that tackle these problems at the level they’re actually at.

Party insiders and centrists aside, it looks like voters are—even if just subtly and slowly—pressuring politicians to stop blaming individual choice for societal woes. The idea of multiple presidential candidates touting competing student loan relief programs would have seemed outrageous even a few election cycles ago—and now Elizabeth Warren, Bernie Sanders, and Julián Castro are all on board.

The point is, we’re getting there. And if we can fight against our very American instincts, we can realize—en masse—that our efforts to save our planet might be better spent organizing than remembering to recycle our empty salsa jars. We can take solace in knowing a liberal arts degree isn’t a personal failing that deserves financial punishment. We can accept that, as individuals, we may not be as powerful on our own as we thought, but we also may not be as much to blame for our struggles.

And then, we can mobilize. 

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Ramsay and the Rabble: Miseducation at the University of Queensland

Conservatives should not flee campus just yet. There are good reasons to stay and fight.



For good reason, controversies in higher education are usually of short-term and limited interest to the Australian public, which is undoubtedly much more intelligent than anyone at a typical humanities faculty meeting. Examples abound, but for a measure of proof, look to Dr. Dean Aszkielowicz of Murdoch University, who recently expressed a chirpy contempt for ANZAC soldiers, or, as he called them, murderers unworthy of commemoration. 

Fashionable whinging about a pervasive university rape crisis also comes to mind. The idea that Australian campuses are somehow comparable to the Congo or downtown Mogadishu cannot be believed by a thinking person, which is probably why it’s so popular among feminists of the young and mulish variety.

Such examples of academic mischief dominate the headlines and then disappear. The ongoing debate over the Ramsay Centre for Western Civilisation, however, has proven to be an interesting exception.

Put simply, Paul Ramsay, the late businessman and philanthropist, left a sizeable bag of money for any Australian university that wanted it. The funds would go toward the establishment of a Bachelor of Arts degree in Western Civilisation, the hiring of academic staff, and generous scholarships.

The centerpiece is a Great Books program in which small groups of students would read and discuss the imperishable works of Plato, Aristotle, Augustine, Shakespeare, and others. This would provide students with a real liberal education – “the best that has been thought and said,” as Matthew Arnold put it.

That all sounds great, I hear the thoughtful Reader agreeing, and yes, it does. Our universities have centers for the study of China, Islam, and the like; why not establish one devoted to our own intellectual and historical tradition? Ramsay’s goal of promotingan interest in and awareness of Western civilization” should strike any reasonable person as sound and modest.

Against all this must be set the utterly unhinged reaction from university staff and students.       Countless protests, op-eds, and social media denunciations have left the Ramsay Centre homeless and its millions of dollars unspent. To recap: the Australian National University flirted with the idea and then impolitely declined; the University of Wollongong said sure why not and is now facing legal action by the National Tertiary Education Union seeking to reverse the decision; the University of Sydney, led by the indefatigable Dr. Nick Riemer, is sure to reject the proposal. Riemer, who spends an incredible amount of time sniffing about Ramsay and organizing protest conferences, allegedly teaches students in the Linguistics department. He was the academic loon, you may recall, who argued in the Sydney Morning Herald that the Ramsay curriculum “validates the worldview” of the Christchurch terrorist who murdered innocent Muslims at prayer.

This brings me to the University of Queensland, where there is some interest in setting up Ramsay despite the fact that the humanities board has twice rejected the proposed curriculum. Of course, radical anti-Western zealots desire to be the cause of radical anti-Western zeal in others, so it’s no surprise that the lecturers have corrupted the students.

In an apparent nod to Athenian-style democracy, Student Union president Georgia Millroy organized a meeting in the Schonell theatre, where some five hundred students gathered to debate and vote on whether negotiations with Ramsay should continue, the Brisbane Times reported on May 29.


It must be said that the young toads approached the task with a combination of demagoguery and smugness. With the lecture hall stacked, they loudly asserted their opposition, which was undoubtedly what Ms. Millroy hoped to achieve. Her comrade on the student council, Priya De, described the Ramsay Centre as “racist” without bothering to back up such a claim with evidence, and then she banged on for a bit about white supremacy. Other speakers of similarly limited vocabulary proceeded in a reliably platitudinous manner and added all sorts of nonsense to the Ramsay bill of complaint. In the end, only eight students voted in favor, and the Times should really do its journalistic duty and conduct a second headcount; those brave souls may have been sent off for reeducation.

This incident at UQ and similar ones elsewhere are not mere tussles in Australian higher education, soon to be forgotten. There is much more at risk. The failure to establish the Ramsay Centre would signal the success of “the culture of repudiation”, Roger Scruton’s term for Western culture’s masochistic hatred of itself and its inheritance. One must ask: is a considered appreciation of Western philosophy and history even permissible in its own home, the university? In Australia, the debate over Ramsay will help to settle this question.

For many conservatives, however, the debate is already over, and the losers are on the run. Roger Kimball, writing recently in the New York Post, argued that the Right should give up on trying to change the universities; such institutions are unsalvageable and new ones must be set up in their place. Salvatore Babones, associate professor at the University of Sydney, recently made the same case in relation to the Ramsay Centre. 

This is a tempting path to take, especially for someone like me. I graduated in – good grief, when was it? – 2013, and since then I’ve undertaken the most intellectually liberating experience of my life: the gradual relinquishment of almost all the convictions I held as a university student. This has involved deep reading in a variety of sources, especially the Great Books, and a shuffle to the Right, well ahead of schedule.

That said, I don’t think conservatives should flee the campus just yet. There are good reasons to stay and fight: first, surrendering to the likes of Georgia Millroy and her mob is intolerable to me; and second, I think a kind of victory is possible.

This may be surprising, but I sometimes notice a certain lack of resolve in the anti-Ramsay crowd, despite their vociferousness, and I wonder if their hearts are really in it. Perhaps, deep down, they might even enjoy losing this particular fight. 

How so? Well, the successful establishment of the Ramsay Centre would give many lecturers and their students their favorite thing of all: it would satisfy their desire to feel aggrieved all the time. They’d get quite a kick out of carrying on whinging about their victimhood and oppression. Imagine the safe spaces they’d have to build to protect themselves from those fellow students across campus, the ones who may have a shot at a decent and truly liberal education.

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